Joint Call for Papers: The Covid-19 pandemic across Europe: responses, challenges and lessons (learned)

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The German Politics, Greek Politics, French Politics, Italian Politics, Nordic Politics and Turkish Politics Specialist Groups of the PSA invite paper proposals for joint panels which seek to explore the first reactions to the economic and political challenges of the Covid-19 pandemic by governments across Europe. Papers discussing the EU response and implications for EU member states are also of interest to this call. We welcome single case studies, comparative papers, and theoretical explorations. The joint panels have the objective of bringing together different perspectives and to create a dialogue between the involved Specialist Groups.
The Covid-19 pandemic found Europe still recovering from a decade of crisis including the Eurozone crisis, the migration crisis and Brexit. Governments across Europe reacted in different ways to the pandemic, but they were all challenged on multiple fronts: public health and health systems, the lockdown of economic, social and cultural life, new on-line working patterns and on-line education, restriction of civil liberties, and closure of borders are just a few examples. This call is looking for papers discussing policies across Europe in response to the Covid-19 emergency and their implementation. What lessons can be learned about crisis management from the different national responses? What has been the role of experts and of evidence informed policymaking? How has the political landscape of different countries been affected by the new crisis? What future avenues for research has this universal crisis opened-up for political science?

Please address all enquiries and e-mail your paper proposal (paper title, 200-word max abstract, institutional affiliation and full contact details) to our Panel Convenors, Matthew Whiting ( and Yaprak Gürsoy ( until 28 September 2020.

We specifically encourage doctoral students and early career researchers to contribute to the joint panel.

Applicants will be notified whether they have been included in the joint panel proposals ahead of the final PSA deadline.

Full details of the conference can be found on the PSA website here

Call for Papers for Panels on All Aspects of Turkish Politics

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The PSA’s Annual International Conference 2021 will be held in partnership with Queen’s University Belfast, (School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy, and Politics) and Visit Belfast.

The 2021 PSA Annual International Conference is planned as a hybrid conference which blends the digital world and physical world together to produce the opportunities and interactions of a physical conference, with the added accessibility of an online conference.

Once again this year the Turkish Politics Specialist Group will be organising four panels for the conference. If you would like to be considered for inclusion on one of these panels, please send a 200-word abstract to Matthew Whiting ( and Yaprak Gürsoy (

Deadline for paper proposals: Tuesday, 28 September 2020

Full details of the conference can be found on the PSA website here

Yaprak Gürsoy on Turkey’s Covid19 Response

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Yaprak Gürsoy has written a timely article to the PSA Blog on Turkey’s Covid19 response.

In her article she investigates Turkey’s record in fighting against COVID-19 and traces the political developments since the beginning of the outbreak.

We are republishing her article in our blog.

1_CEgybfUijfp-f_nt2YiTYQ.jpgYaprak Gürsoy



It is undeniable that we are undergoing unprecedented global change with the COVID-19 pandemic and these will have unpredictable political consequences for years to come. What will the winds of change bring to Turkey and to its personalistic regime?

There are two ways to answer this question. One way is to look at Turkey’s record in fighting against COVID-19 and the other is tracing political developments since the beginning of the outbreak. In both counts, Turkey appears to be quite stable. But looks can be deceiving. High tides under water have been kept at bay so far, however, 18 years of rule by the AKP has cultivated its simmering opposition that will only grow in time.

Measures against COVID-19

Turkey has had a total of just over 186,000 confirmed cases of COVID-19 as of 22nd June, making it the 11th most affected country in the world. Despite the high number of confirmed cases, its death rate remains significantly lower than other European countries, including countries like France and Belgium that appear to have fewer cases. Comparing the absolute number of confirmed cases across different countries is fraught with difficulties and all caveats around these figures need be kept in mind. Still# the relative success of Turkey begs clarification.

There is no simple explanation for lower death rates. There are still many unknowns about the nature of the virus that might explain Turkey’s statistics from a medical perspective. Certainly, Turkey’s demographics are in its favour – only eight percent of its population is over the age of 65 and most do not stay in care homes. Compare this to the EU average of 20% elderly population, or even higher in badly affected Italy, or consider the fact that in April alone official COVID-19 deaths in care homes in the UK were nearly twice as much as overall deaths in Turkey.

What of more short-term factors that were within the control of political leaders, notably when and to what extent to go into lockdown? Turkey’s approach to lockdown lies somewhere in the middle of a ‘restrictive-liberal’ continuum. It shut down schools and imposed a full curfew on the elderly and on children. It has also introduced a full lockdown on weekends and holidays. But if you were a Turkish citizen between the age of 20 and 65 or if you were working, it has been more or less business as usual, at least during the weekdays. Given this mixed approach that prioritised the economy, it is probably unlikely that curfew measures were what made the difference in death rates in Turkey.

Rather than lockdown, it would seem that Turkey’s success might be more to do with its healthcare system that was relatively well-placed to deal with the crisis. The number of Intensive Care Unit beds in Turkey is four times more than Italy and nearly eight times more than the UK. This is, in part, down to the policies of the government in the past years. Some of these earlier policies, such as building city hospitals, have been controversial because they rest on neoliberal principles and reflect the extent of crony capitalism in Turkey. But in the combat against coronavirus, they have provided the capacity to admit suspected patients immediately, even before test results, and start aggressive treatment, even with the controversial drug of hydroxychloroquine. Also contact-tracing was introduced very quickly that tests patients within a day and notifies and monitors those with whom suspected cases have been in touch.

No matter where the real reason for Turkey’s low death rates lies, the government has been able to capitalise on the pandemic, increase its prestige abroad through supplying medical aid and tout the comparatively low death rates as a success. Although this trend can be reversed with the easing of lockdown measures and a new spike in cases, Ankara has managed to hold firm against the winds of change thanks to its seeming success in containing the virus so far.

Recent Political Developments

One of the major political consequences of the outbreak globally has been the way personal liberties had to be curtailed. The pandemic has led to illiberal policies everywhere with more than 80 countries declaring a state of emergency. Leaders are taking the opportunity to grab more power even in well-established democracies and it is unclear whether and when liberties will be returned to people.

Turkey has not been an exception to this global drift. Some of the political decisions that were made during the pandemic reflect earlier trends, mixed with new opportunities. For instance, around 90,000 convicts were granted an amnesty to prevent the spread of the virus in jails but political prisoners were exempted from the pardon.  Opposition local governments in Istanbul and Ankara were forbidden from accepting donations from citizens to raise funds and distribute supplies to those who were in need. Five elected heads of local districts from the main Kurdish political party (HDP) were removed from office and the impunity of lawmakers were lifted paving the way for the prosecution of HDP MPs.

Centralising power by the ruling AKP and efforts to side-line political opposition are not new in Turkey. Although they might have been accelerated with the outbreak, they have also produced renewed opposition and initiatives, bringing in the potential of change amid seeming stability. For instance, there has been a cabinet crisis over the way curfew was initially introduced, which points at possible future fissures within the AKP government.  There also seems to be an increase in the popularity of recently founded AKP-splinter partiesA recent poll also revealed that public trust toward Minister of Health Fahrettin Koca and Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavaş surpassed that of President Erdoğan.  Finally, the HDP started a new campaign and has held rallies, despite government-imposed restrictions and COVID-19 related constraints.

Turkey has had a mixed record during the pandemic. If the death rates continue as they are, it is a positive case that needs to be acknowledged. However, this accomplishment should not distract from the general political trends of the recent years. For now, the pandemic seems to have brought more political stability than prospects for change. It is difficult to predict what will happen in a couple of years but, as in the anti-racism protests elsewhere, in Turkey too, the pandemic has brought its own dynamics of unforeseen transformation.



Publication Opportunity: Contemporary Turkey Series with I.B. Tauris

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The BIAA (British Institute at Ankara) in conjunction with I.B.Tauris has posted a publishing opportunity on modern Turkey. The Contemporary Turkey series is focusing on the history, eco­nomics, and politics of modern Turkey and is seeking to provide “new data and insights from the field.”

As the call states, the series will:

  • Reassess the impact of historical legacies on the development of modern Turkey.
  • Reconsider modern Turkish history in an international context.
  • Promote innovative approaches to the study of modern Turkish politics and political economy.
  • Provide an outlet for new work from emerging scholars and support the fellowship programme of the BIAA (
  • Encourage a forward-thinking and multi-disciplinary approach to the study of modern Turkey.


Ceren Lord, Katerina Dalacoura, Pinar Bedirhanoglu, Sevgi Adak are the editors of the series. For more information, or to submit a proposal for consideration, Ceren Lord can be contacted via

Members’ Publications : Yaprak Gürsoy on the Peculiarities of AKP’s Populism in Turkey

Yaprak Gürsoy (2019) Moving Beyond European and Latin American Typologies: The Peculiarities of AKP’s Populism in Turkey, Journal of Contemporary Asia

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In her article published in the Journal of Contemporary Asia, Gürsoy provides a contribution to understanding and categorising the populism of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey by debating the typologies in the literature and calling for a comprehensive socio-cultural approach to explore populism.

The author examines the dominant typologies and regional variations in populism studies along with a literature review that explores AKP’s populism. The article highlights that there has been a “selective focus” that has shaped categorisation about the AKP and lists some of the key features that are used to explain AKP’s populism. She demonstrates how the case of the AKP constitutes a “specific ideological and strategic blend” (p.18), which is more similar to the cases of the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) in India and the TRT (Thai Rak Thai) in Thailand than the Latin American and European examples of populism. She shows how the AKP’s populist discourse utilises “civilisational terms” and combines various strategies like “neo-liberalism, strong party organisation and grassroots mobilisation”.

The article is open access and available here.


Virtual Roundtable: Managing the Covid-19 Pandemic

The Turkish Politics Specialist Group is participating in an online roundtable entitled “Managing the Covid-19 Pandemic: Lessons Learned and Avenues for Political Science Research”. The roundtable will take place on Friday the 29th of May at 15:00 – 16:30 GMT. 

This timely meeting will focus on the management of the crisis in  France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Spain, Nordic countries and Turkey. Experts of each country will discuss what political scientists can learn from the coronavirus crisis and what are some immediate avenues for research. PhD students, academics and everyone interested in the comparative study of the Covid-19 Pandemic is invited to attend.

The event will take place on Zoom and the link is:

Cancelation of the State of Democracy in Southern Europe Conference Due to Covid-19 Outbreak

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Given the continued Covid-19 outbreak, regretfully, we have decided to cancel the State of Democracy in Southern Europe conference, which was going to be held in June at Aston University.

The PSA has announced today that all face to face events until the end of the academic year should be cancelled and that the feasibility of Autumn and Winter events should be reconsidered in the summer.

Under these circumstances and given the continued Covid-19 outbreak, regretfully, we have decided to cancel the State of Democracy in Southern Europe conference, which was going to be held in June at Aston University.

We will reconsider holding the conference sometime in the future when it is safe to do so, but we realise that this may be as late as the end of 2021.

We hope that this decision will not have a major impact on your academic plans.

Thank you very much once again for submitting your abstract and your interest in the conference.

Call for Papers: The State of Democracy in Southern Europe

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PSA Greek, Italian, Spanish and Turkish Politics Specialist Groups, in conjunction with the ECPR Standing Group on Southern European Politics and the Aston Centre for Europe is organising a conference on “The State of Democracy in Southern Europe”

This conference aims to assess the current state of democracy and patterns of governance in five Southern European countries: Portugal, Spain, Italy, Greece and Turkey. It has been more than a decade since the Eurozone crisis began and 15 years since Freedom House first observed the retreat of democracy globally. Southern European countries have been at the centre of both events. The financial and political crises have gone hand in hand in Southern Europe and led to observable changes in party systems and regional politics. Taking account of the changes in these past years, the main goal of the conference is to comparatively evaluate relevant developments since the beginning of the 2000s, the reasons behind these, and the prospects of democracy and governance at the periphery of Europe.

The debate on the global decline of democracy has been conceptualized variously as democratic “decay”, “backsliding”, “deconsolidation” or “recession”. [1] Although there is no agreed-upon name, the main observation is the same. In many countries, democracy has undergone detrimental change, to the extent of passing the threshold of authoritarianism in some cases. This type of decline is often more difficult to observe than an abrupt transition from one regime to another. [2] This is perhaps why the debate on democratic decline in the literature has so far focused mainly on describing the change and what it means for the future of Western democracy. [3] Despite this conceptual richness, the literature on democratic decline has not yet been theoretically linked to the previous literature on transitions from democracy to authoritarianism; nor has it addressed the causes of the recent decline. [4]

Southern Europe holds the key to fill this gap in the literature. As the region where the Third Wave of democracy started, Southern Europe was the centre of attention for the transition paradigm, which dominated the literature in the 1980s and 1990s. In the past 15 years, Southern European countries were among the first to experience democratic decline and problems with effective governance, though some are perhaps also the first to show signs of recuperation.

The conference organisers are inviting papers that address these developments in Turkey, Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal with the goal of explaining them in light of the earlier literature on regime change and the current analyses of global democratic decline. Comparative papers, as well as single case studies, are welcome.

Contributions should focus on one or more of the following dimensions:

  • Inter-party competition and party system change
  • Intra-party democracy (party organisations, role of leaders, role of members)
  • Institutions and effective governance, including relations between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government and relations between central, regional, local governments
  • Role of the media, civil society, interest groups and/or non-governmental organisations
  • Role of citizens’ perceptions and support for democracy, including public opinion
  • Political behaviour, ranging from conventional means of participation (such as elections, referenda, etc) to unconventional methods (such as protests, rallies, violent acts, etc)

Paper titles and abstracts of 150-200 words, along with author names, institutional affiliation and contact details, should be sent to by Monday 16 March 2020. Limited amount of travel funding may be available. Authors will be informed about funding opportunities and the application process for travel grants after their papers are accepted.


[1] See for instance Levitsky, S. & Ziblatt, D., How Democracies Die (New York: Crown, 2018); Foa, R.S. & and Mounk, Y., ‘The Signs of Deconsolidation’, Journal of Democracy, Vol. 28, No. 1 (January 2017), pp. 5-16, <>; Waldner, D. & Lust, E., ‘Unwelcome Change: Coming to Terms with Democratic Backsliding’, Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 21 (May 2018), pp. 93-113; Diamond, L., ‘Facing Up to the Democratic Recession’, Journal of Democracy, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 2015), pp. 141-155, <>.

[2] Levitsky & Ziblatt, How Democracies Die.

[3] See for instance the ‘Online Exchange on “Democratic Deconsolidation”’, Journal of Democracy, June 2017, <>. 

[4] Waldner & Lust, ‘Unwelcome Change’.

Call for Papers for Panels on All Aspects of Turkish Politics

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This year’s Political Studies Association Annual Conference will take place in Edinburgh in early April 2020 and, once again, we would like to convene a number of panels on Turkish politics.

The conference theme of ‘Re-imagining Politics’ is well suited to studies of Turkish politics – covering crises, uncertainty and challenges to politics and how we can conceptually explain political developments today. We welcome both empirical and theoretical work on all aspects of Turkish politics, broadly defined.

Deadline for paper proposals: 11th of October 2019

If you would like to apply, please e-mail your paper proposal (paper title, 200-word max abstract, institutional affiliation and full contact details) to Matthew Whiting ( and Yaprak Gürsoy (

Full details of the conference can be found on the PSA website here

New Publication: The Routledge Handbook of Turkish Politics

The Routledge Handbook of Turkish Politics is a far-reaching volume in which prominent scholars reflect on various aspects and disciplines of Turkish politics.

The handbook was brought together by Dr Alpaslan Özerdem, co-director of Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations at Coventry University, and Dr Matthew Whiting, lecturer in Comparative Politics at the University of Birmingham. It is composed of six sections and thirty-seven chapters. The chapters provide a description and characterisation of the key terms and concepts that are used in Turkish Studies.

The first two sections of the book, named “History and the Making of Contemporary Turkey” and “Politics and Institutions”, provide an in-depth analysis of the legacies of state-led modernisation, the changing institutional design of Turkey, the evolution of dominant ideologies, the development of civil society, and the transformation and the ownership of the media.

The third section of the volume, “the Economy, Environment, and Development”, focuses on the evolution of the Turkish political economy, followed by chapters on the dynamics of regional energy politics, the environment and climate change, the legacies of urbanisation, diaspora diplomacy and disaster management. 

The fourth section is dedicated to the Kurdish question where the authors investigate the historical background and contentious dynamics of the issue, with chapters on the failed peace process and the 15 July 2016 failed coup attempt.

The subsequent section, “State, Society, and Rights”, looks at the state of human rights in Turkey, women’s movements, minority rights, AKP’s policy on religious education and the dynamics of healthcare.

The final section investigates the external relations of Turkey by situating Turkish foreign policy in a historical context and examining Turkey’s relationship with the Middle East, US, Russia and the EU. This section also investigates Turkey’s Cyprus policy, its endeavours in international humanitarian and development and its relationship with international organisations like NATO and the UN.